Thomas Steven Middleditch (born March 10, 1982) is a Canadian actor. He is best known for his role as Richard Hendricks in the HBO series Silicon Valley (2014–2019), earning a nomination for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Lead Actor in a Comedy Series. He voiced the titular character in the Disney XD animated series Penn Zero: Part-Time Hero (2014–2017), Harold Hutchins in Captain Underpants: The First Epic Movie (2017), Sam Coleman in Godzilla: King of the Monsters (2019), and Terry Opposites in the Hulu adult animated sci-fi series Solar Opposites. Middleditch made his Broadway debut in 2024 as Eli in Eureka Day. He also appeared in ads for Verizon Wireless.
Preberite več...10. marec 1982 je bil sreda pod znakom zvezdice ♓. Bil je 68 dan v letu. Predsednik Združenih držav je bil Ronald Reagan.
Če ste rojeni na ta dan, ste stari 44 let. Vaš zadnji rojstni dan je bil torek, 10. marec 2026, pred 74 dnevi. Vaš naslednji rojstni dan je sreda, 10. marec 2027, čez 290 dni. Živeli ste 16.145 dni ali približno 387.482 ur, ali približno 23.248.945 minut ali približno 1.394.936.700 sekund.
Date: 11 March 1982
AP
The Chattanooga Publishing Company announced today that it was cutting the price of the city's two daily newspapers to 10 cents from 25 cents to determine whether the lower price attracted readers. Roy McDonald, chairman of Chattanooga Publishing and publisher of The Chattanooga News-Free Press, said the price change would be effective Monday for The Chattanooga Times, the city's morning paper, and for the afternoon newspaper, The News-Free Press.
Date: 11 March 1982
AP
Critics of President Reagan's proposal to broaden the Government's power to classify documents as secret charged today that the plan amounted to giving Federal officials a ''blank check'' to hide mistakes and manage the news. Representative Glenn English, an Oklahoma Democrat, chairman of the House Government Operations Subcommittee on Information, also chastised the Administration for refusing to send officials to Congress to explain the proposal.
Date: 11 March 1982
By Barbara Crossette, Special To the New York Times
Barbara Crossette
From a village bandstand in the small seaside town of La Libertad, Jose Napoleon Duarte, President of El Salvador's ruling junta, exhorts the crowd to vote in the elections scheduled for March 28. He tells them that the future of El Salvador will be decided by them, not by the American press. Afterward, he holds a news conference in English. At the offices in San Salvador of the Roman Catholic Church a handlettered sign, with an arrow pointing around a corner, reads, ''Register here for interviews with the Monsignor.'' At the headquarters of the Salvadoran Army high command, between a firing range and a driveway that serves as a small parade ground for new recruits, a harried clerk in the army's public relations office types his way through a pile of letters asking area commanders to allow the journalists named in them to work without obstruction in combat zones.
Date: 10 March 1982
By Clyde Haberman, Special To the New York Times
Clyde Haberman
It was a gray day, too gray to tell through the car window whether this was a sterile suburb. Mayor Koch came out here anyway today on an excursion that was billed in advance as one part policy discussion and one part politics. In the wood-paneled back room of the Gum Ying restaurant, it turned out to be many parts of one of Luis Bunuel's more elliptical movies. ''These are good noodles - I can tell,'' said Mr. Koch, picking at a bowl of Chinese noodles. ''What's that, Mr. Mayor, we couldn't hear you,'' someone yelled. ''These are good noodles - I can tell,'' Mr. Koch said again, and then he was off comparing food he had sampled on a trip to China with Chinese cuisine in this country. He decided that it was better here, but then observed that he found that to be generally true of most ethnic cooking, at least so far as it related to other countries he had visited. And then he paused.
Date: 10 March 1982
By Phil Gailey, Special To the New York Times
Phil Gailey
The public's right to know, the battering ram of reporters in this town, sometimes stops at the strangest places. It stops, for example, at the door to the Gridiron Club's annual Spring dinner, where the President of the United States is a regular speaker, and it stops at the Library of Congress, where the club's official papers are deposited on the condition that they be off limits to the public for 25 years. The Gridiron Club is not a dark cell of politicians or bureaucrats but a society of sunshine boys and girls from the Fourth Estate, a select group of journalists who have hit on what Clark Clifford, the Washington lawyer, has called the ''Golden Formula.'' Speaking to the club in the days before it admitted women, Mr. Clifford said, ''You Gridiron men have discovered the Golden Formula. You have a big dinner each year; you get tickets for your respective bosses so they'll be seated with the bigwigs. Then you get all dressed up and appear before the throng as close intimates of the great and the near great, and, at the conclusion of the dinner, your efforts are warmly praised by the President of the United States. Boy, what an idea. How I wish that we lawyers might have thought of it first.''
Date: 10 March 1982
By Stuart Taylor Jr., Special To the New York Times
Stuart Taylor
A fundamental disagreement over whether the Constitution and civil rights laws are ''color-blind,'' as the Reagan Administration contends, runs through the increasingly bitter disputes between the Administration and most major civil rights groups. This disagreement underlies radically different approaches to important civil rights issues, in particular the Administration's opposition to hiring quotas based on race and sex to overcome job discrimination and mandatory busing to end school segregation. The Administration's positions on these issues reflect its rejection of a principle embodied in many Federal court decisions: that special preferences for blacks and other disadvantaged groups, and special ''race-conscious'' efforts to integrate schools, are necessary in some cases to avoid perpetuating the effects of past discrimination. William Bradford Reynolds, head of the Justice Department's civil rights division, justified the Administration's opposition to such race-conscious civil rights policies in a recent speech by invoking ''the color-blind ideal of equal opportunity for all.''
Date: 10 March 1982
By Marcia Chambers
Marcia Chambers
In New York, a juvenile's criminal and court records are kept secret because state policy and law have been based on the premise that confidentiality is essential to a juvenile's rehabilitation. But now some legislators, as well as law-enforcement officials, legal scholars and judges, say that the secrecy provisions surrounding the criminal life of a juvenile should be repealed. State Senator Ralph J. Marino, Republican of Oyster Bay, L.I., a leading expert in juvenile law and the chairman of the State Select Committee on Crime, says the confidentiality statutes for some juvenile delinquency proceedings should be repealed. In an interview, he said he would submit legislation this session to repeal the confidentiality provisions in cases in which a juvenile had one prior delinquency conviction. He predicted it would be an uphill fight.
Date: 11 March 1982
By Philip Shabecoff, Special To the New York Times
Philip Shabecoff
Interior Secretary James G. Watt, in an almost insouciant move, has made a bold bid to snatch victory for the Administration's public lands policy from the jaws of what appeared to be approaching political defeat. On national television, Mr. Watt, in a marked departure from past policy, said he would ask Congress to withdraw Federal wilderness areas from all drilling and mining activities for the rest of this century. He also said that areas proposed for protection as wilderness areas but not yet acted upon by Congress would similarly be withdrawn. Critics of Mr. Watt's land policies reacted with surprise and skepticism. When the fine print was read in the legislation that was later introduced, the critics declared their skepticism well-founded.
Date: 10 March 1982
By Bernard Gwertzman, Special To the New York Times
Bernard Gwertzman
The Reagan Administration has launched an information campaign to persuade Congress, the press and the public that it has been telling the truth when it says vital American interests are threatened by a military buildup in Nicaragua sponsored by Cuba and the Soviet Union. Senior State Department officials said this afternoon that they had no illusions that the vigorous campaign would automatically end domestic opposition to the Administration's policy on Central America. That policy is aimed at stemming leftist insurgencies in El Salvador and elsewhere in the region through a combination of economic and military assistance as well as warnings of possible direct military intervention. ''We have to get out the facts we have so that people at least will agree on what is happening down there,'' said an aide to Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr. ''Then, we can worry about getting them to accept the policy.''
Date: 10 March 1982
By Jonathan Fuerbringer, Special To the New York Times
Jonathan Fuerbringer
As interest rates begin to fall again, some leaders on Capitol Hill, some economists and some officials at the Federal Reserve are worried that what is good for the economy now may not help them achieve Federal budgets with narrower deficits than those that have been projected by President Reagan. But the decline in interest rates, spurred by last week's $3 billion decline in the money supply as well as the continuing recession and this week's drop in the prime rate, is not worrisome to the Administration. It could dig in its heels and point to the improvement as proof that the President's program is beginning to work and that his budget for the next fiscal year should not be changed, despite the big deficit. Aides to Senator Howard H. Baker Jr., the Republican majority leader, and Senator Pete V. Domenici, chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, say that a decline in interest rates could take away the leverage needed by Congress to persuade the President to compromise on his budget. Much of the crisis pressure that has generated talk on Capitol Hill of reducing the President's projected deficits would be lost, they explain.